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Gjirokaster

Gjirokastër (Argyrókastron, Italian: Argirocastro,
Turkish: Ergiri) is a city in southern Albania at 40°04'N 20°08'E
with a population of around 30,000. It is the capital of Gjirokastër
District. Its old town is inscribed on the World Heritage List as "a
rare example of a well-preserved Ottoman town, built by farmers of large
estate". Gjirokaster Gjirokastra or GJIROKASTËR
is one of the most venerable towns of Albania. Its name means Silver
Fortress, and neatly
shows the
relation within one linguistic group of Greek, Latin, Etruscan and Albanian.Like
Berat to the north, it is a UNESCO World Heritage City.
In the south of the country, 300 meters
above sea level, Gjirokastra has a beautiful and dramatic situation
in a lush valley between the high
Gjerë mountains and the rushing river Drin or Drinos.
Gjirokaster History
Traditional Gjirokastër housesGjirokastër is an ancient city
with traces of human habitation dating back to the 1st century BC. It
is located on the slopes of the Mali i Gjerë ("Wide Mountain"),
overlooking the Drinos river. The city was probably founded some time
in the 12th century AD around a fortress on the hillside. Under the rule
of the Byzantine Empire, it developed into a major commercial centre
known as Argyropolis ("Silver City", Greek:) or Argyrokastron
("Silver Castle", Greek:).
The city was part of the Despotate of
Epirus in the 14th century before passing to the Ottoman Empire in
1417. It was captured in 1811
by the
Albanian-born Ali Pasha, who carved out his own semi-autonomous fiefdom
in the southwestern Balkans. In the late 19th century it became a centre
of resistance to Turkish rule. The Assembly of Gjirokastër, a key
event in the history of the Albanian liberation movement, was held there
in 1880.
GjirokasterDuring the First Balkan War of 1912-1913, the city was claimed
by Greece due to its large ethnically Greek population but they never
achived it. During the Second World War, the city was occupied on various
occasions by Italy, Greece and Germany before returning to permanent
Albanian control in 1944.
The postwar Communist regime developed
the city as an industrial and commercial centre. It was elevated
to the status of a "museum town" largely
due to the fact that it was the birthplace of the dictator Enver Hoxha,
who had been born there in 1908. His house was converted into a museum
which became a focal point of Hoxha's cult of personality.
Gjirokastër suffered severe economic
problems following the end of communist rule in 1991. It was particularly
badly affected
by the
1997 collapse of a massive pyramid scheme, which destabilised the entire
Albanian economy. The city became the focus of a rebellion against the
government of Sali Berisha and violent anti-government protests took
place which eventually forced Berisha's resignation. On December 16,
1997, Hoxha's house was blown up by unknown (but presumably anti-communist)
attackers.
Gjirokaster Economy
Gjirokastër is principally a commercial centre with some industries,
notably the production of foodstuffs, leather, and textiles.
Culture and places of interest
Many houses in Gjirokastër have a distinctive local style that has
earned the city the nickname of the "town of the stones", because
most of the old houses have roofs covered with stones. Due to Gjirokastër's
importance to the Communist regime, its city centre was spared at least
some of the thoughtless redevelopment that afflicted other cities in
Albania, but its designation as a "museum town" unfortunately
did not translate into maintaining the old town. Consequently many of
its historic buildings have become dilapidated, a problem that is only
slowly being resolved.
United States Air Force Lockheed T-33
reconnaissance plane forced down in December, 1957, on display in
Gjirokastër, Albania.The Citadel
dominates the town and overlooks the strategically important route along
the river valley. It is open to visitors and contains a military museum
featuring captured artillery and memorabilia of the Communist resistance
against German occupation, as well as a captured United States Air Force
plane to commemorate the Communist regime's struggle against the "imperialist" powers.
The citadel dates back to the 18th century and its construction was ordered
by Gjin Bue Shpata, a local tribal leader. Additions were built during
the 19th and 20th centuries by Ali Pasha Tepelene and the Government
of King Zog. Today it possesses five towers and houses a clock tower,
a church, water fountains, horse stables, and many more ammenities. The
northern part of the castle was eventually turned into a prison by Zog's
government and housed political prisoners during the communist regime.
Gjirokaster Gjirokastër also features an old bazaar which was originally
built in the 17th century, but which had to be rebuilt in the 19th century
after it burned down. There are more than 200 homes preserved as "cultural
monuments" in Gjirokastër today, and it is also the site of
the International Albanian Folk Festival held every four years (most
recently in 2005).
When the town was first proposed for inscription
on the World Heritage List in 1988, ICOMOS experts were nonplussed
by a number of
modern constructions
which detracted from the old town's appearance. The historic core of
Gjirokastër was finally inscribed in 2005, 15 years after its original
nomination.
Gjirokaster Education
The first Albanian school of Gjirokastra was Drita school opened in 1908.
Eqerem Çabej University of Gjirokastra is the highest education
school. Tel:+355 846 3776 / 3408/9
Famous inhabitants
Adil Çarçani, former Prime Minister
Avni Rustemi
Baba Rexhep, Bektashi religious leader
Çerçiz Topulli, Albanian
resistance fighter
Eqrem Çabej, ethnologist
Enver Hoxha, dictator
Haki Toska
Ismail Kadare, author
Musine Kokalari, author
Omer Nishani
Enver Hoxha
Enver HoxhaEnver Hoxha, (October 16, 1908?April 11, 1985) was the paramount
leader of Albania from the end of World War II until his death in 1985,
as the First Secretary of the Communist Albanian Party of Labour. He
was also Prime Minister of Albania from 1944 to 1954 and the Minister
of Foreign Affairs from 1946 to 1953. Under Hoxha, whose rule was characterized
by isolation from the rest of Europe and, according to his adherents,
by firm adherence to Marxism-Leninism, Albania's government projected
the image that it had emerged from semi-feudalism to become an industrialized
state.
Biography
Discarded bust of Enver Hoxha
Hoxha was born in Gjirokastër, a city in southern Albania that has
been home to many prominent families. He was the son of a cloth merchant
who travelled widely across Europe during his childhood, and the major
influence on Enver during these years was his uncle, Hysen Hoxha. Hysen
Hoxha was a militant who campaigned vigorously for the independence of
Albania - which occurred when Enver was four years old - and opposed
the repressive governments that prevailed after independence. Enver took
to these ideas very strongly, especially after King Zog came to power
in 1928.
Enver HoxhaIn 1930, he went to study at
the University of Montpellier in France on a state scholarship, but
he soon dropped out. From 1934
to 1936 he was a secretary at the Albanian consulate in Brussels. He
also studied law at the university there. He returned to Albania in 1936
and became a teacher in Korçë. Hoxha was dismissed from his
teaching post following the 1939 Italian invasion of World War II for
refusing to join the Albanian Fascist Party. He opened a tobacco shop
in Tiranë where soon a small communist group started gathering.
He was helped by Yugoslav communists to found and become leader of the
Albanian Communist Party (called Party of Labour afterwards) in November
1941, as well as the resistance movement (National Liberation Army),
which took power in November 1944. Hoxha declared himself an orthodox Marxist-Leninist and strongly admired
Joseph Stalin. He adopted the model of the Soviet Union and severed relations
with his former Yugoslav communist allies following their ideological
breach with Moscow in 1948. He had defence minister Koçi Xoxe
executed a year later for alleged pro-Yugoslav activities. Hoxha's regime confiscated farmland
from wealthy landowners and consolidated it into collective farms (Cooperatives),
imprisoning and executing thousands in the process. The Hoxha regime
propaganda took great pride in claiming that Albania had become completely
self-sufficient in food crops during communist rule, as well as developing
an Albanian industry and bringing electricity to most rural areas, all
the while stamping out illiteracy and disease. Pill boxes in Albania built during Hoxha's rule to avert possible internal
revolution or external invasion. Over half a million were built; most
have now been removed.However, the opening of the Albanian borders to
the outside world, following the collapse of the communist regime, revealed
a completely different picture. Albania was not the industrialized, advanced
nation of communist party propaganda, but in fact a country that was
backward, not only by Western Capitalist standards, but also by those
of other Eastern Bloc countries such as Bulgaria and Romania. The vaunted
industry of Albania was, in fact, fictional, while the farming collectives
used agricultural methods of the previous century. Telephone communication,
long established in every household in Albania's neighbouring countries,
was uncommon in most areas; telephone use, however, was available for
most everyone through communal post-telegraph-telephone offices prevalent
throughout Albania. Worker wages and living standards were remarkably
low by European nation standards, a fact that led to a massive exodus
of Albanian workers into neighbouring Greece and Italy, where they could
sustain better standards of living as illegal immigrants, than they did
in their country as nationals. GjirokasterDespite his grand-standing, it appeared that Hoxha's major
legacy was a complex of over 600,000 one-man concrete bunkers across
a country of 3 million inhabitants, to act as look-outs and gun emplacements,
pointed against towns and villages just as often as they were outside
of them. The paranoid nature of Hoxha's character, who was beset by fears
of American invasion just as much as internal revolution, was apparent
in the design. Hoxha had remained a firm Stalinist despite new Soviet leader Nikita
Khrushchev's repudiation of Stalin's excesses in 1956 at the Twentieth
Party Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, and this meant Albania's
isolation from the rest of communist Eastern Europe. In 1960, Hoxha aligned
Albania with the People's Republic of China, which also continued to
uphold Stalin's legacy, in the Sino-Soviet split, severing relations
with Moscow the following year. In 1968, Albania withdrew from the Warsaw
Pact in response to the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. Hoxha's internal policies were true to
the Stalinist paradigm he admired, and the personality cult organized
around him held striking
resemblance
to that of Stalin. Internally, the "Sigurimi" Albanian secret
police made sure to replicate the repressive methods of the NKVD, MGB,
KGB, and Stasi. Its activities permeated Albanian society to the extent
that every third citizen had either served time in labor camps or been
interrogated by Sigurimi officers. To eliminate dissent, the government
resorted systematically to purges, in which opponents were dismissed
from their jobs, imprisoned in forced-labour camps, and often executed.
Travel abroad was forbidden to all but those on official business, in
order to sustain the myth of an advanced Albania. Any trace of individuality
and creativity in cultural life was stifled, as the arts and belles lettres
were allowed to exist only to the degree they served as mouthpieces for
the government. FolkloreIn 1967, following two decades of progressively harsher persecution
of religion under his rule, Hoxha triumphantly declared his nation to
be the first and only officially atheist state in history. Partly inspired
by China's Cultural Revolution, he proceeded to confiscate mosques, churches,
monasteries, and shrines. Many were immediately razed, others turned
into machine shops, warehouses, stables, and movie theaters. Parents
were forbidden to give their children religious names. Anyone caught
with the Qur'an, Bibles, icons, or religious objects faced long prison
sentences. According to a landmark Amnesty International report published in 1984,
Albania's human rights record was dismal under Hoxha. The regime denied
its citizens freedom of expression, religion, movement, and association
although the constitution of 1976 ostensibly guaranteed each of these
rights. In fact, certain clauses in the constitution effectively circumscribed
the exercise of political liberties that the regime interpreted as contrary
to the established order. In addition, the regime denied the population
access to information other than that disseminated by the government-controlled
media. The Sigurimi routinely violated the privacy of persons, homes,
and communications and made arbitrary arrests. The courts ensured that
verdicts were rendered from the party's political perspective instead
of affording due process to the accused, who were often sentenced without
even the formality of a trial. Folklore 1Hoxha was unhappy with China's rapprochment with the USA in
the early seventies. He had himself normalised relations with Albania's
neighbours immediately before. Mao's death in 1976 and the defeat of
the Gang of Four in China's subsequent inner-party struggle in 1977 and
1978 led to the Sino-Albanian split and Albania's retreat into political
isolation, with Hoxha claiming the anti-revisionist mantle to criticize
both Moscow and Beijing. Hoxha was exhumed in 1992 and informally reburied. In 1981, Hoxha ordered
the execution of several party and government officials in a new purge.
Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu was reported to have committed suicide following
a further dispute within the Albanian leadership in December 1981, but
it is often believed that he was killed. Later, Hoxha withdrew into semi-retirement and turned most state functions
over to Ramiz Alia. Hoxha's death on April 11, 1985, at the age of 76
led to some relaxation in internal and foreign policies under his successor
Ramiz Alia, as communist party rule weakened throughout Eastern Europe,
culminating in Albania's abandonment of one-party rule in 1990 and the
reformed Socialist Party's defeat in the 1992 elections.
Musine Kokalari
Musine Kokalari
Musine Kokalari (February 10, 1917 Adana, Turkey - August 14, 1983) of Gjirokastër,
Albania was probably the most interesting figure among the minor prose writers
of Albania's pre-communist period, both as an individual and as an author.
Kokalari was the first female writer of Albania, and the only one up until
the 1960s. Born on February 10, 1917 in Adana in southern Turkey of a patriotic
and politically active family of Gjirokastrian origin, Kokalari returned to
Albania with her family in 1920. She was early to acquire a taste for books
and learning since her brother Vejsim operated a bookstore in Tiranë in
the mid-thirties. In January of 1938, she left for Rome
to study literature at the university there and graduated in 1941
with a study on Naim Frashëri. Her stay
in the eternal city gave her an ephemeral glimpse into a fascinating
world of intellectual creativity and her sole aim in life upon her return
to Albania was to become a writer. In 1943, she declared to a friend, "I
want to write, to write, only to write literature, and to have nothing
to do with politics." She had, at the age of twenty-four, indeed
already published an initial 80-page collection of ten youthful prose
tales in her native Gjirokastrian dialect: Siç me thotë nënua
plakë (As my old mother tells me), Tiranë 1941 This historic
collection, strongly inspired by Tosk folklore and by the day-by-day
struggles of women of Gjirokastër, is thought to be the first work
of literature ever written and published by a woman in Albania. Kokalari
called the book, "the mirror of a world gone by, the path of transition
from girlhood with its melodies and the first years of marriage to the
world of the grown woman, once again bound by the heavy chains of slavery
to patriarchal fanaticism." Three years later, despite the vicissitudes
of the civil war, Kokalari now twenty-seven, was able to publish a longer
collection of short stories and sketches entitled ...sa u-tunt jeta (...how
life swayed), Tiranë 1944, a total of 348-pages which established
her -- ever so briefly -- as a writer of substance. A third volume of
her folksy tales was entitled Rreth vatrës, (Around the hearth),
Tiranë 1944. As the Second
World War came to an end,
Kokalari herself opened a bookstore and was invited to become a member
of the Writers' Union,
created on
October 7, 1945 under the chairmanship of Sejfulla Malëshova (1901-1971).
All the time she was haunted by the execution without trial of her two
brothers, Mumtaz and Vejsim, on November 12, 1944 by the communists and
candidly demanded justice and retribution. Having herself been closely
associated in 1944 with the fledgling Albanian Social-Democratic party
and its press organ Zëri i lirisë (The voice of freedom), she
was arrested on January 17, 1946 in an age of terror concomitant with
the arrest of Malëshova, and on July 2, 1946 was sentenced to twenty
years in prison by the military court of Tiranë as a saboteur and
enemy of the people. The next eighteen years of her life she spent in
the infamous concentration camp of Burrel in the Mati region, isolated
and under constant surveillance, persecuted and provoked by boorish and
uneducated prison officials. A broken woman, she was released around
1964 and given a job as a streetsweeper in the provincial town of Rrëshen.
Musine Kokalari, once a gifted young teller of tales, was persecuted
to the end of her days. Terminally ill with cancer, she was even refused
a hospital bed before her death on August 14, 1983.
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